History of the Serbian-Albanian conflict in Kosovo
Until the mid-15th century, when Serbia was finally conquered by the Ottoman Empire, Kosovo was the center of the Serbian Kingdom. Albanians began to settle the territory of Kosovo en masse from the end of the 17th century.
At that time, these lands were devastated by the wars that the Serbs, with the support of Austria, waged against the Ottoman Empire. After several defeats, the Serbs had to flee across the Danube, to territories controlled by Austria.
The Albanian population in Kosovo gradually increased. By the middle of the 19th century, it had already exceeded 50%. And by the end of the century, it was the Albanian national movement for autonomy and even independence from Turkey that gained strength in Kosovo.
Members of the Albanian Prizren League, a military-political organization founded in Kosovo to protect the national interests of Albanians, 1878.
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But the Serbs did not forget about Kosovo. And when they gained independence from the Ottoman Empire in 1878, they tried to take control of it. However, they succeeded only after World War I, when in 1918 the federal state of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia emerged on the Balkan Peninsula with its center in Belgrade.
In the 1930s, the Yugoslav government made every effort to evict Albanians from Kosovo. Albanian families were even offered money to emigrate to Turkey. Serbian and Montenegrin peasants, on the other hand, were encouraged to move en masse to Kosovo.
During World War II, Italian fascists established a collaborationist regime in Albania and annexed Kosovo, where ethnic cleansing of the Serbian population began. During this time, about 400 000 Kosovo Serbs became forced refugees.
Serbs in a concentration camp, 1943. Kosovo partisans, 1944.
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After World War II, communists led by Broz Tito came to power in Yugoslavia. They returned Kosovo to Belgradeʼs control. Until the mid-1960s, the Yugoslav State Security Service tried to suppress the Albanian national movement and carried out repressions in Kosovo. But nothing worked. Now the Kosovo communists began to advocate for autonomy for the region. By this time, the ratio of Albanian to Serbian populations in Kosovo had reached nine to one.
Belgrade had to make concessions. So Kosovo first became a national province, and then an autonomous region. The new Yugoslav Constitution of 1974 only strengthened Kosovoʼs autonomy. Now the local authorities could block any decision from Belgrade if they considered it unprofitable for themselves.
Another escalation of the Serbian-Albanian confrontation in Kosovo began in the late 1980s, when Serb Slobodan Milosevic came to power in Yugoslavia. In 1989, he abolished the regionʼs autonomy and began brutal repression against Kosovo Albanians. In response, the Albanians launched an underground partisan movement, which in 1996 merged into the Kosovo Liberation Army.
Members of the Kosovo Liberation Army, 1999.
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The Albanian resistance in Kosovo escalated into a full-scale war with Miloševićʼs Yugoslav army in 1998. However, by this time, a series of armed conflicts had already taken place between the Serbs, who were trying to preserve the Yugoslav state, and the peoples who sought independence from it — Croats, Bosnians, Slovenes, Macedonians and Albanians.
The Yugoslav wars of the 1990s became one of the largest armed conflicts of the 20th century — with significant destruction, many deaths and a large number of war crimes.
It got to the point where NATO intervened in the conflict. In 1999, a military contingent of the Alliance was deployed to Kosovo, and the administration of the province was transferred to an international administration under the auspices of the UN.
American soldiers as part of the NATO military contingent in Kosovo, 2001.
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Kosovo War Crimes Tribunals
The then prosecutor at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia Carla del Ponte stated in 1999 that about a million ethnic Albanians had been forced to leave Kosovo because of the war. She also reported that over 11 000 Albanians had been killed. In 2010, 3 000 people were still missing, including 2 500 Albanians, 400 Serbs, and 100 Roma.
When the conflict between the countries of the former Yugoslavia had just begun, in 1993 the UN Security Council established the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia by a resolution. It examined the war crimes of all participants in the wars: representatives of Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Croatia. After 1998, they began to examine war crimes committed in Kosovo as well.
On charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity, the tribunalʼs dock included the president of the former Yugoslavia Slobodan Milošević, the second president of Serbia Milan Milutinović, the former prime minister of Serbia Nikola Šajinović, the former defense minister and chief of the general staff Dragoljub Ojdanić, and the then interior minister Vlajko Stoilković.
The prosecution alleged that they wanted to ensure Serbian control over Kosovo. To this end, they organized a series of operations in which the Serbian military systematically forcibly expelled Kosovo Albanians from their homes. To facilitate this task, the defendants created an atmosphere of fear and violence that pushed people to flee.
They threatened to kill and killed locals, looted, destroyed their homes, farms, etc.
Kosovo refugee camp, 1999.
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During the tribunal, several generals were also put on trial for these crimes. Some of them received prison terms, some were acquitted.
However, it was not only the Serbs who committed international crimes in Kosovo. Several officers of the Kosovo Liberation Army also appeared before the Tribunal. They were accused of persecuting people on political, racial and religious grounds, of murder and rape, and of holding them in inhuman conditions in concentration camps, including Lapusnik. Of the eight Kosovo Army officers, three were found guilty, which angered the Serbs.
In 2008, the prosecutor of the International Tribunal, Carla del Ponte, published a book in which she spoke about the crimes of the officers of the Kosovo Liberation Army. In 2010, a member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe Dick Marty published a report in which he accused the officers of the Kosovo Liberation Army, including then-President Hashim Thaci, of crimes against Serbs and those who supported them, in 1998-1999 during the conflict in Kosovo.
In particular, it was about inhuman treatment of people, killing prisoners for the purpose of export and selling human organs, which is prohibited by law.
Kosovo President Hashim Thaci, 2017.
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The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia was not accepting new cases at the time, and there were also concerns that witnesses in cases against Kosovars might have been pressured.
To ensure an independent investigation into the crimes of Kosovo Liberation Army officers, it was decided to create a separate tribunal. Under pressure from the US and the European Union, Kosovo agreed to amend its constitution.
In 2015, the country, together with the EU, established the Special Chambers and the Special Prosecutor’s Office for Kosovo. This is an independent court governed by Kosovo law, but located in The Hague.
It is staffed only by foreign judges. Among the high-ranking officials who ended up in the dock are former Kosovo President Hashim Thaci, former Speaker of Parliament Kadri Veseli, former Speaker of Parliament and Acting President of Kosovo Yakupa Krasniqi, and former parliamentary faction leader Rexhep Selimi.
In February 2026, the special prosecutor requested 45 years in prison for each of them.
How Kosovo gained independence
Regarding Kosovo, the international community initially planned the following scenario: first reconcile political opponents and ethnic groups, and then determine the status of the region. But this policy did not work out, and local conflicts and clashes between Kosovo Serbs and Albanians continued.
Finally, in 2006, the International Contact Group on Kosovo began negotiations on the provinceʼs status. All participants agreed that the problem of Kosovo was unique and that the only adequate solution was to recognize the provinceʼs independence.
However, they emphasized that this should not become a precedent for other countries.
The US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright with Kosovo refugees, 2008.
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Serbia, of course, protested and tried to maintain at least formal control over Kosovo, citing Yugoslav statutes. However, by then, nothing was left of Yugoslavia. In May 2006, its last republic — Montenegro — seceded from Serbia and declared independence.
In February 2008, the Kosovo parliament unilaterally declared independence. In July 2010, the International Court of Justice in The Hague upheld the legality of this decision. Kosovoʼs independence was recognized by over a hundred countries, including the United States, Germany, France, and the United Kingdom.
In Europe, Kosovo was not recognized by Russia and Belarus, as well as mainly by states that either already have problem territories or are a potential threat: Spain, Romania, Moldova, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cyprus, and its ally, Greece.
Ukraine also did not recognize Kosovo, initially because of its partnership with Russia, and after 2014 because of fears of raising the issue of the territorial integrity of another state.
Refugees celebrate the declaration of Kosovoʼs independence in Vienna, February 17, 2008. Kosovo Serbs protest against Kosovoʼs declaration of independence, March 27, 2008.
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As for Serbia, it certainly does not recognize Kosovoʼs independence. According to the Serbian Constitution, Kosovo is still considered part of it, although in fact the region is not subject to Belgrade. Relations between Serbia and Kosovo alternately warm and then flare up again.
How Russia manipulates the "Kosovo precedent"
At the end of April 2022, Putin, during a meeting with UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, stated that the Kremlin recognized the independence of the pseudo-republics of “LPR” and “DPR” based on the “Kosovo precedent”. And even the Serbian leadership did not like this.
In particular, Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić said that such comparisons complicate the situation in the Balkans, and Putin uses Kosovo in his own interests with such statements.
Aleksandar Vučić (right) and Putin in Belgrade, 2019.
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This is why such comparisons from the Kremlin are baseless:
- The conflict in Kosovo is rooted in centuries-old Serbian-Albanian conflict, which was accompanied by ethnic cleansing and mass killings on both sides.
- The determination of Kosovoʼs status took place under the auspices of international institutions, such as the UN Security Council, the Contact Group, the Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General, and the International Court of Justice in The Hague.
- The International Contact Group on Kosovo, which, incidentally, included Russia, agreed that the Kosovo issue is unique and cannot be used as a precedent for other countries.
- After all, Russia itself has never recognized Kosovoʼs independence, as it supports Serbia in this conflict.
New escalation in the Balkans
In northern Kosovo, there are several Serbian enclaves inhabited by ethnic Serbs who do not support Kosovoʼs independence. They still use the Serbian currency, speak the Serbian language, have Serbian citizenship, and have Serbian license plates on their cars.
Although Kosovo declared independence in 2008, in 2015 it agreed with Serbia that for five years the residents of these enclaves could use their own license plates, but stick Serbian plates in Kosovo and Kosovo in Serbia. They also mutually recognized each otherʼs driving licenses.
In late July, Kosovo authorities reported that they would stop allowing people with Serbian documents into their territory as of August 1, 2022. Kosovo authorities called the move “mutual”, as Serbia has not recognized its documents for over 11 years.
Russia has expressed its full support for Serbia.
Map of the territories of Kosovo and Serbia. Mitrovica is one of the Serbian enclaves in northern Kosovo.
And on July 30 and 31, Serbs living in northern Kosovo began protests, erecting barricades at the entrances and exits to their enclaves and blocking all movement. Sirens sounded in Mitrovica, Kosovo. Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić initially said that Kosovo was preparing an attack, but then called on everyone to calm down in order to preserve peace. On the evening of July 31, the Kosovo government agreed to postpone the decision for 30 days, provided that the Serbs remove all barricades and restore full freedom of movement.
On August 27, the parties reached a compromise on the issue of identity cards, pledging not to impose entry and exit restrictions on holders of each otherʼs documents. However, the gradual re-registration of cars in Kosovo began on November 1, after which hundreds of Serbian civil servants (including mayors, judges, and police officers) in Kosovo walked out of their jobs in protest.
Over the next few months, protests and clashes alternated between calm and renewed. The European Union tried to mediate and encourage the parties to sign a normalization agreement. And on April 23, 2023, early mayoral elections were held in northern Kosovo, which the Serbs boycotted. With a turnout of 3.5% in cities predominantly populated by Serbs, Albanians became mayors, and protests resumed with renewed vigor.
More than 30 NATO peacekeepers (KFOR) were injured during these clashes. To allow the new mayors to work, the Kosovo police took control of municipal buildings. The Serb mayors in these cities returned to office in late 2025, after local elections that they no longer boycotted.
Weapons seized by Kosovo law enforcement officers after the attack in the village of Banska. Funeral of police officer Afrim Bunjaku, who died during the attack.
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The confrontation reached its peak on September 24, 2023, when a Kosovo police patrol was ambushed in the village of Banska, killing one police officer. After that, about 30 armed Serb attackers fled to an Orthodox monastery and barricaded themselves there. Police launched a siege, killed three attackers, arrested three. According to Kosovo officials, the others fled and are likely hiding in Serbia.
Kosovoʼs interior minister said the group came from Serbia, was financed by Serbia, and was equipped by the Serbian army and police. Prosecutors have charged 45 people in absentia with terrorism. Among them is Kosovo Serb politician Malin Radojčić, who said at a press conference in Belgrade that he had organized the attack, personally prepared the logistics, and that the Serbian authorities knew nothing.
Finally, on December 15, 2023, Kosovo completed the process of re-registering car license plates — since then, driving with Serbian license plates with signs from Kosovo cities has been illegal.
And since the beginning of January 2024, Serbia and Kosovo have lifted restrictions on the entry of cars with each otherʼs license plates — stickers are no longer required.
The crisis is still ongoing, with clashes periodically resuming and law enforcement conducting raids. However, since the beginning of 2024, the situation has stabilized significantly.
How Serbia and Kosovo are helping Ukraine in the war
In the full-scale war with Russia, Kosovo unconditionally supported Ukraine from the beginning. In May 2022, the country imposed sanctions against Russia and Belarus and has since joined 19 of the 21 EU sanctions packages.
In August 2023, Kosovo supported the G7 declaration on security guarantees for Ukraine. And in March 2024, after a meeting in the “Ramstein” format, it announced a package of military assistance: trucks, armored vehicles, and mortar shells.
Also, since January 2024, 26 instructors from Kosovo have been training Ukrainian military personnel in the United Kingdom as part of “Operation Interflex” — 63 000 Ukrainians have been trained.
The Kosovo Parliament condemned Russian aggression on March 3, 2022. The Serbian faction of MPs left the chamber before the vote.
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Unlike Kosovo, Serbia is trying to maneuver between the common position of the European Union on the war and good relations with Russia. Serbia is the only EU candidate country that has not imposed any sanctions against Russia, from which it receives more than 80% of its gas.
However, due to EU pressure, in February President Vučić reported that the country is trying to diversify supplies and plans to buy gas in the European Union. Belgrade also states that it supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, but does not vote for resolutions that call Russia an aggressor and condemn its actions.
The case occurred in 2025. Initially Serbia supported a UN General Assembly resolution that included the words “full-scale invasion”, “aggression” and “war against Ukraine”. The next day, Vučić said that it was a mistake, apologized to the Serbian people and later Serbia changed its vote to “abstain”. The Kremlin said that the apology was accepted.
Serbia officially sends non-military aid to Ukraine. Over four years, its volume has exceeded €60 million. In 2026, the country allocated €2 million to support the Ukrainian energy sector.
However, the country is secretly involved in arms supplies to Ukraine. First, in June 2024, the Financial Times wrote that Serbia was increasing its sales of Western ammunition, which then end up in Ukraine.
By that time, the amount had reached $800 million in two years. Vucic gave the FT the exact amount, but clarified that Serbia was not joining any of the parties to the “conflict”, and called the sale of weapons to Western countries part of the country’s economic revival. He added that it was none of his business where the shells ultimately ended up.
Military equipment and weapons at the 12th International Armaments and Military Equipment Fair in Belgrade, September 2025.
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The topic became relevant again in May 2025. The Russian Foreign Intelligence Service reported that Serbia, with the participation of third countries, continues to supply ammunition to Ukraine. For this, fake certificates of the end user and intermediary countries were used. At that time, Vučić stated that Serbia and Russia had created a joint group to conduct an investigation. There was no more news about this group.
And on July 23, 2025, the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN) published a major piece of material. They found that despite Russiaʼs May reprimands, Belgrade had already given the green light for the transit of Bosnian-made shells through Serbia on June 2. The shipment was ordered by the Czech defense company “Omnipol”, which supplies artillery shells to the Ukrainian army.
In November 2025, answering a journalistʼs question about Ukraineʼs use of Serbian ammunition, Vučić said that buyers could do whatever they wanted with it. Serbia only needed a long-term contract and was ready to cooperate with European armies.