The Guardian writes about what further sanctions against Russia might be. If they will happen. The European Union has already introduced eight packages of sanctions against Russia, which significantly limited trade with the Russian Federation, and also froze the assets of 1,239 individuals and 116 companies. Therefore, the space for the introduction of new restrictions is small, writes the publication with reference to a source in the EU. The Baltic countries and Poland have specific proposals for expanding sanctions against the Russian Federation. For example, ban the purchase of liquified gas, stop cooperation with Russia in the field of nuclear energy and trade in certain metals, introduce a ban on civilian drones, smartphones, etc. In general, these ideas find support in Denmark, Sweden and Finland, while Germany, France and Belgium to the introduction of new sanctions is viewed with caution. Among the risks for European countries is further damage to the economy, which could lead to the flourishing of right-wing populist forces, which will ultimately play into Putinʼs hand, says one of the publicationʼs sources among diplomats. Among other options, there are possible restrictions against Russiaʼs allies: therefore, the EU imposed sanctions on Iranian individuals and companies associated with the production and sale of Russian Shahed-136 drones. Sanctions against Belarus may also be strengthened if the country formally joins the war in Ukraine.
The Wired writes about Ukrainian capabilities to counter Iranian kamikaze drones. Russiaʼs new tactics using drones are the beginning of the "dark era" of the war in Ukraine, the publication writes. Although the parties had previously used drones for attacks against military targets, the Russian Federation for the first time began using drones against the civilian population and infrastructure. The main goal of this tactic is to spread terror, the article says. In part, the psychological effect is achieved by the buzzing of the drone, similar to the engine of a moped. Ukraine partially succeeds in countering the Shahed-136 ― but this is a difficult task, because the drones fly low, which hinders the work of air defense. An effective weapon against drones would be long-range air defense missiles, says military analyst Marcel Plichta, but such missiles are very expensive. Dutch humanitarian disarmament expert Wim Zweinenburg believes the best option would be to find a way to stop the drone before it takes off. Ukraine is looking for knowledge and technologies that can help with this in Israel, which so far only declares that it is ready to provide information and expert support to Ukraine.
The American author Anne Applebaum writes about the origins of the German dispute over the supply of weapons to Ukraine in an essay on The Atlantic. At the beginning of the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz announced the need to change defense policy and end Germanyʼs dependence on Russian energy resources. He even called these changes a historic breakthrough, but the words were not necessarily followed by the same loud actions, according to the head of the parliamentary committee on defense Marie-Agnes Zimmerman. Months have passed, and the Germans still havenʼt decided what aid to Ukraine should look like, what weapons can be sent and what canʼt be sent, and where lies the red line that could cause Putin to overreact. The cornerstone of this issue is the supply of modern tanks to Ukraine, writes Applebaum. Germany is the third largest supplier of arms to Ukraine, but the list of items provided does not include tanks, which could give Kyiv a great advantage. The head of Scholzʼs office, Wolfgang Schmidt, explains this by the fact that the maintenance and use of large modern tanks requires complex logistics, which are difficult to establish, as well as the concern that German tanks in Ukraine will help the Russian Federation promote the message "NATO is attacking us." Applebaum believes that both of these problems are not so difficult to solve, and therefore the main obstacle is political will. Other countries donʼt supply modern tanks to Ukraine: everyone is waiting to see who will do it first. The opinion prevails in German public discourse that after the catastrophes of the 20th century, Germanyʼs mission is to ensure peace, the author writes. The problem is that many Germans believe that maintaining peace means refraining from intervening in war. Of course, the economic factor also plays a role ― Germanyʼs dependence on Russian energy and the interests of businesses that have invested in pipelines. Applebaum hopes that the Germans, who have already understood that the world has changed, will eventually convince their opponents of this - and then the "turning point" that Scholz once spoke of in February will really come true.