When planning a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Putin expected that Russia would come out of this adventure much more influential. So far, everything is quite the opposite, writes Bloomberg. For example, the post-Soviet countries of Central Asia, where key decisions were once taken only in accordance with Putinʼs position, gradually begin to neglect Moscow — in particular, the largest and richest state in the region, Kazakhstan, relations with which Putin, at the beginning of the full-scale invasion, set the example of “fraternal”. And if in January 2022, the President of Kazakhstan Kassym-Zhomart Tokayev invited Russian troops to suppress protests in Astana and other key cities of the country, by the end of the year he became the one who refused to recognize the independence of the “LPR” and the “DPR”, intensified contacts with the EU and the USA, and is gradually increasing the pumping of oil by a route bypassing Russia — via Turkey. The ruling elite of Uzbekistan also began to speak more actively for the diversification of trade and foreign policy interests. The same applies to Azerbaijan. However, the most striking example of Russiaʼs weakening is the situation with its once closest ally in the region, Armenia. Yerevan is dissatisfied with Moscow because its “peacekeepers” cannot ensure the functioning of the Armenian enclave in Azerbaijan — Nagorno-Karabakh. Since the beginning of the year, access to Karabakh through Lachyn Pass has been effectively blocked. The passivity of the Russians creates a power vacuum, which was filled by the EU, which decided to send a peacekeeping mission to the Armenian border, as well as by Turkey — the leaders of the two countries met for the first time in more than 10 years, agreeing to open borders and deepen cooperation. Of course, even if Moscow ceases to be a significant center of influence after the end of the war in Ukraine, the Central Asian countries will still feel this neighborhood through shared history and borders. However, Putin will not be able to determine the policy of Astana, Tashkent, or Baku. His place is gradually being taken by the President of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, writes the media.
While one army is fighting in Bakhmut in the style of the First World War, throwing as many soldiers as possible into the trenches, the other uses 21st century technologies, according to a report by the American media company CBS News. Journalists were able to get into one of Bakhmutʼs warehouses, which partially resembles an IT office. There, fighters are sitting behind computer monitors, monitoring the images received from drones. Often this is a very detailed picture — you can see both piles of garbage left by Russian soldiers and the occupiers themselves, who are trying to hide in the trenches. Information about detected targets is quickly received by fighters on the front line — after all, this front line is literally a few blocks away. The operational exchange of information helps the Ukrainian Armed Forces to destroy the Russian army. Battles remain fierce and challenging, and only get more intense as time goes on. Russia decided to change tactics and switched from active artillery shelling to merciless spending of manpower. Covering the ground with corpses, the Russians are slowly advancing. On the other hand, technologies allow the Ukrainians to hold their ground — and despite numerous forecasts, the Ukrainian Armed Forces still havenʼt left Bakhmut. This will change only when and if the Russians can cut the road through the town of Chasiv Yar, the publication writes.
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