American author Brian Frydenborg compares the Israeli-Palestinian conflict with the Russian-Ukrainian war in a column for The Jerusalem Post. He sees Russiaʼs attack on Ukraine as "an imperial and colonialist war, very similar to Russiaʼs previous ones with Ukraine; having controlled a significant part of Ukrainian lands once in the past, Russia now believes that it has the right to brazen annexation and contempt for international law”. As before, Russia is "happy" to deport Ukrainians to Russia and move more Russians on the captured territories, imposing its historical narrative. And this is what Israel often does in relation to the Palestinian territories, the author writes. Tel Aviv encourages Israelis to settle in the Palestinian territories, has nothing against the local population leaving these lands ― and, as a result, declares the territory genuinely Israel. On the other hand, pro-Palestinian organizations such as Hamas and Islamic Jihad choose civilian targets when attacking Israel. They donʼt care how many civilians die ― and Russia is doing exactly the same now. “When evaluating your decisions, think about whose actions they are more similar to in this war ― Ukrainian or Russian,” Frydenborg advises the residents of Israel and Palestine. “If you recognize Russia in the steps of your side, things are bad.” In the end, Ukraine will win, the author of the column is convinced, and the world will deal with Russian crimes and complexes within the framework of courts and international tribunals. If the Israelis and Palestinians donʼt want the same fate ― and this conflict will also come to an end someday ― they should think about their tactics, concludes Frydenborg.
Australian public broadcaster ABC prepared a large report from Ukraineʼs largest prison for Russian military prisoners. This facility is located in the Lviv region. How many prisoners are there isnʼt specified, but the authors mention that every week approximately 50 new inmates arrive at the prison and about the same number leave for the next exchange. According to the Geneva Conventions, interviews cannot be conducted with prisoners, if they themselves do not want it. There were those willing to talk to the Australians among the Russians. For example, 21-year-old Nikita from Siberia lost both legs after stepping on landmines laid by his comrades in the trench. When he regained consciousness, he could not remember his motherʼs phone number ― it happened when the Ukrainian military allowed him to use the Internet. Nikita does not understand the meaning of this war and dreams of high-quality prostheses that would allow him to return to civilian life. His roommate, 21-year-old Vitaliy from Donetsk, says that he got into the war because of deception: a day before February 23, he was invited to the Military Commissariat ostensibly for a training session ― but instead, given only a Kalashnikov assault rifle, he was sent to battle in the Kharkiv region. The representative of the administration of such prisons, Petro Yatsenko, who also participates in the organization of PoW exchanges, told the media that the Russian side is more interested in returning those prisoners who have richer families. And prisoners whose relatives do not have connections or money usually stay in prison for longer.
The Wall Street Journal writes about the fate of collaborators on lands recently liberated by Ukraine. Journalists of the publication visited Shevchenkove in the Kharkiv regioon ― a settlement of 20,000 people (perhaps the journalists took into account nearby villages: the population of Shevchenkove itself does not exceed 7,000) was captured in the afternoon of February 24. The head of the settlement, Valeriy Prykhodko, tried to count the tanks driving down the main street of Shevchenkove, but he couldnʼt, there were so many of them. For some time, he resisted the orders of the occupiers, but soon left for the free territory of Ukraine. His deputy, Nadia Shelukh, continued to work ― even when the Russian tricolor was hung on the building of the local council. Prykhodko met this with surprise and disappointment, while many locals who were under occupation are sympathetic to Shelukhʼs move. She tried to at least somehow control the situation in the settlement, sought humanitarian aid for the locals. And most importantly, she, like many other locals, impressed by the power of the Kremlin military machine, believed that Russia was here for a long time, and that it was necessary to adapt somehow. The publication describes the long and painful history of how the locals increasingly came into contact with the occupiers ― for the sake of pensions, financial aid, various permits, and how the Russians abused those who did not cooperate. Now the Security Service of Ukraine and the Ministry of Internal Affairs must determine who cooperated with the Russians because of no other options, and who for career or income reasons. This makes the atmosphere in Shevchenkove difficult, writes the newspaper: the patriotic residents of the village, enduring the bullying of the Russians, saw how neighbors and former friends adjust to the new "masters" ― and they will not forget it.
Global Post from Canada writes about the town of Parma in the American state of Ohio. And this story is directly related to the war in Ukraine, since half of the 80,000 population of Parma are ethnic Ukrainians. And historically, like most population of the state, they voted in elections for Republicans. This will change in the midterm elections to the Senate on November 8: many local Ukrainians will vote for the Democrats for the first time. Republican candidate James David Vance was to blame for this, who said in an interview back in February: "To be honest, I donʼt care what happens to Ukraine." Now he is of the same opinion: "I do not think that we should support Ukraine indefinitely," the politician assures. For local resident Lyuba Molotkovska, whose relatives are currently suffering from power outages near Kyiv, such phrases mean the end of support for the Republican Party ― at least for today. “And itʼs not just about Ukrainians,” says George Yaskiv, vice president of the Ohio Union of Ukrainian Organizations. “There are still a lot of Poles, Baltics, and Jews here.” A total of about 1.3 million people from Eastern European countries, who, according to Yaskiv, will not support the Republicans and can affect the balance of power in the state.